US air strikes against Houthis continue, rebel group say | BBC News

 

Detention in Yemen: When Imprisonment Becomes Fate and Death Fleeting News

Rabab Al-Mudwahi was returned to prison like stolen goods returned to thieves' vaults. The head of the Information Department at the National Democratic Institute (NDI) was only granted a brief respite from the prison walls, a fleeting moment of light that allowed her to bid farewell to her late mother. Just a few hours, then the iron gate closed again, as if she had never left, as if the grief she carried was another charge deserving punishment.

The death of Rabab's mother was not just a fleeting event in the saga of pain. It was a mirror reflecting the faces of thousands of mothers and fathers who had their loved ones ripped from them, snatched from their homes, their dreams, their lives, and thrown into windowless prisons. All the loss, all the helplessness, all the lamentation condensed in that moment when Rabab was returned to her cell, as if death alone was not enough.

But there is pain that cannot be spoken, pain no language can carry. It is the agony that gnaws at the souls of mothers and fathers when their imprisoned children die behind bars—alone, without a proper farewell, without hands to wipe their foreheads one last time. In prison, no one dies alone; with them, every feature their loved ones once knew perishes as well.

It was a shock, but not a surprise. Death in Houthi prisons is not an event—it is a calendar whose pages turn in a grim, cyclical pattern. This time, it was Ahmed Ba’alawi, a humanitarian worker with the World Food Programme, a young man who had dedicated his life to serving the hungry. The Houthi group arbitrarily detained him in January 2025, holding him in a prison in Sa’ada, their stronghold in northern Yemen, until his death was announced last month. But Ahmed was not the first. Before him was Hisham Al-Hakimi, the Director of Safety and Security at Save the Children, who was dragged to the same fate. Hisham died in October 2023 while in detention. Was it torture? Medical neglect? Or both, combined in the lethal formula perfected by Houthi prisons? It makes no difference. In the end, the result is the same—names erased, bodies discarded, and families left receiving condolences instead of reunions.

In June 2024, the Houthis launched a mass arrest campaign, as if indulging in their favorite hobby—hunting down free voices, suffocating hope, and silencing breath. Among the detainees was Rabab Al-Mudwahi. There was no reason for her arrest other than the fact that she worked with civil society organizations.

Days passed. Months. And Rabab’s mother waited. But waiting in Yemen is not just the passing of time—it is slow torture. She never saw her daughter before she died, never held her hand, never heard her voice. She died with only a frozen image in her heart—of a daughter snatched into the unknown, never to return.

And the tragedy? This is not the first story of its kind.

How many fathers have died of heartbreak? How many mothers and fathers have passed away while their sons and daughters remain arbitrarily imprisoned? The more loss repeats itself, the more familiar the pain becomes, as if this country knows nothing but tragedy. But the women of Yemen do not know surrender. Mothers and wives, activists and fighters—they have not grown weary, they have not fallen silent. They take to the streets, standing with exhausted faces and hoarse voices, demanding, shouting, raising pictures of their loved ones as if lifting their very souls.

From this pain, from this unhealed wound, the Association of Abductees’ Mothers was born in 2015. It was not just a human rights organization—it was a collective cry, a living testament that the tragedy will not be forgotten, that no matter how hard they try to silence the voices, they will keep echoing until the prisons collapse.

The Association does not stop at documenting kidnappings and enforced disappearances. It does not merely count names or record events. No—it lights its torches in the darkest corners, refusing to let those who have vanished into prison walls be forgotten. It does not just scream; it builds advocacy networks with human rights groups, mobilizes efforts in diplomatic offices, knocks on the doors of tribal leaders and sheikhs, and shatters the silence in meetings with authorities and warring parties. Inside Yemen, abroad, in every place their voices can reach, there is someone demanding, someone crying out:

Where are they? Why are they still behind these walls? Who gave you the right to steal their lives?

No exhaustion, no surrender, no stopping. Because justice is not just a slogan—it is a demand engraved in the hearts of mothers, in the eyes of fathers, in the clenched fists of all those who refuse to accept injustice as fate. The Association of Abductees’ Mothers seeks to bring the perpetrators to trial, punish the kidnappers, expose the criminals, and compensate the victims. Because pain is not healed by silence, but by accountability. Because suffering will not end until the last prison door is opened, until the last disappeared person is returned, until those responsible for all this devastation are finally told: You will not escape punishment.

833 cases of abduction and detention in one year. 833 lives torn away and thrown into prison dungeons. The 2024 report by the Association of Abductees’ Mothers reads like a long lament—a chronicle of pain, disappearance, and torture, a list of names whose owners have been swallowed by high walls.

754 cases were carried out by the Houthi group, 308 of which were mass arrests. 51 cases were committed by the UAE-backed Security Belt forces. 16 cases by Yemen’s internationally recognized government. 12 cases by the Joint Forces. In the end, it makes no difference. Everyone is complicit. Everyone has a prison. Everyone is skilled in the art of enforced disappearance.

103 people simply vanished. No letters, no phone calls, no trace. Only their families know what it means to have a loved one turned into a mere memory—a name floating in the minds of mothers who wait for a return that will never come. 84 cases of disappearance at the hands of the Houthis. The remaining cases were spread across different forces that have long practiced the crime of enforced disappearance. Torture is not an exception—it is routine. It is the language of communication inside these prisons.

The Association documented 58 cases of torture: 38 by the Houthis. 9 by the Security Belt forces. 6 by the internationally recognized government. 5 by the Joint Forces. But these are not just numbers. These are bodies stacked upon bodies, screams silenced, flesh torn by merciless whips. Six detainees never made it out. Not because they were sentenced to die—but because they did. They died under torture. They died from disease and neglect.

Then came May 31, 2024, and the horror began again. Within two weeks, the Houthis stormed homes and offices—not searching, but seizing. 13 UN employees. 50 civil society workers. All were abducted. And the world remained silent.

The cells are full. Only three were released—mere crumbs thrown to make the repression seem less cruel. One UN staff member and two from NGOs. But what about the rest? No one knows anything about them. Then came January 23, 2025—another round, another wave of blind repression. Eight more UN employees vanished as if the earth had swallowed them whole. All of them were detained without charges, without trial, without lawyers, without even a single message to reassure their families.

"The challenges facing Yemen today are immense… perhaps most notably, the continuous shrinking of civic space, particularly in areas under the control of Ansar Allah," said the UN envoy to Yemen, Hans Grundberg. But words alone are not enough to describe the devastation. "The arbitrary detentions targeting UN staff, civil society, diplomats, and the private sector—along with the tragedy of our World Food Programme colleague who died in detention—highlight the growing risks and the shrinking space for those seeking to support Yemenis." As if to say: No one is outside the reach of repression. Everyone is a target. Anyone can disappear in the blink of an eye. No questions are asked. No justifications are given. They are simply taken.

And with time, names fade into oblivion, except for the mothers.

Mothers never forget.

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*This article was first written for and published in Arabic on the Daraj website. 

Listening to Yemen's Forgotten Voices

  

DAWN - Seventeen years ago, I embarked on a journey as a journalist, driven by a desire to uncover the complexities of Yemen, my homeland, for an international audience. Over the years, I have witnessed the ebb and flow of Yemen's tumultuous history—uprisings, wars, humanitarian crises—and with each event, I have found myself grappling not just with the challenges of reporting on the country, but also with the glaring inconsistencies in how the world perceives Yemen.

Time and again, I have seen international narratives reduce my country to a chessboard for global powers, sidelining the intricacies of Yemen's internal struggles and the voices of its people. The lack of comprehensive and contextual reporting, the marginalization of Yemeni voices in favor of outside ones, and the unbalanced focus on external actors without equal attention to internal dynamics and accountability all contribute to misunderstanding and misinformation. Those narratives eventually shape policies, influence public opinion and ultimately determine whose suffering is deemed worthy of attention.

I was born into a Yemen that was already making global headlines—but never on its own terms. During the long, authoritarian rule of former President Ali Abdullah Saleh, international news was dominated by U.S. drone strikes targeting al-Qaida in Yemen, with little focus on or interest in the Yemeni civilians who were also killed in those strikes. The international media framed Yemen primarily as a battleground in the so-called war on terror, focusing solely on counterterrorism, with little or no accountability for those human rights violations.

Those drone strikes are associated perhaps most of all with Anwar al-Awlaki, the American-born cleric and jihadist who fled to Yemen and joined al-Qaida in the Arabian Peninsula and was killed in a targeted strike in 2011. As the first American citizen ever targeted and killed in a U.S. drone strike, his death set off a debate about the legality of the strikes—but one that still largely avoided non-American casualties. (Under President Barack Obama, who ordered the strike on Awlaki, the U.S. conducted nearly 200 drone strikes on Yemen, killing up to 100 Yemeni civilians, according to New America. The U.S. government has never provided figures on civilian casualties from drone strikes.)

When the popular uprising against Saleh came in 2011, I watched as people took to the streets across Yemen demanding change, only to see their peaceful democratic movement reduced to a story about Saleh himself. International reports painted him as a "witty, sharp, defiant leader," a characterization that did not just overshadow the voices of the many protesters, but distorted the narrative of Yemen's popular revolution. The framing was clear: one man's political survival was more compelling than an entire nation's call for democracy.


When the Houthi insurgency advanced out of Yemen's northern highlands and captured the capital, Sana'a, in 2014, driving out the government of Saleh's successor, Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi, the pattern continued. Once the Saudi-led coalition intervened to try and oust the Houthis and restore Hadi to power, international media shifted its focus primarily to the coalition's airstrikes, which killed thousands of Yemeni civilians. But Yemenis were often portrayed solely as victims of foreign aggression. Meanwhile, domestic actors—from the Houthis themselves to Yemen's internationally recognized government to the separatist Southern Transitional Council and various other armed groups—were barely scrutinized, even though tens of thousands of civilians are estimated to have been killed in their civil war.

And then, when the Houthis began attacking ships in the Red Sea in 2023, which they portrayed as a campaign to defend Palestinians and force Israel to end its war in Gaza, the war in Yemen was no longer covered as a civil war. Now it was seen primarily through the lens of geopolitics and global security. The Houthis effectively took control of the Bab al-Mandab strait, a key maritime chokepoint at the mouth of the Red Sea, disrupting vital shipping routes in the Strait of Hormuz and the Suez Canal, with ramifications for global trade. However, most news coverage still only focused on the Houthis' strategic gains, with little attention to their abusive tactics toward their own people. Yemen's ongoing internal struggles—its fractured governance, its economic collapse, the daily suffering of its people—were pushed further into the background.

Through all these phases, the world's view of Yemen has been dictated by selective narratives—ones that elevate external interests, prominent figures or geopolitical conflicts, while ignoring the complexities of life within the country itself, its broader societal and political dynamics, and local Yemeni voices that could explain them. For too long, I have watched Yemenis struggle not only to survive their reality but to have it properly understood outside Yemen—and to have their voices heard.

Such a narrow view of Yemen perpetuates injustice by creating a hierarchy of suffering. The most attention, it seems, is given to those harmed by external actors, like the Saudi-led coalition, while abuses by Yemeni forces themselves, whether the Houthis or their various rivals, receive less coverage. This selective focus implies that Yemeni lives are only significant when their victimhood serves an external narrative, leaving countless civilians who suffer at the hands of local oppressors invisible. By ignoring or downplaying internal abuses, international coverage fails to hold armed groups in Yemen accountable and also indirectly empowers them, enabling their ongoing violations to continue unchallenged or under-reported.

Moreover, the way Yemen is analyzed internationally often fails to capture its full reality, reducing complex dynamics to simplistic narratives that do more harm than good. How often do international experts on Yemen engage with Yemeni scholars—citing their work, amplifying their voices or collaborating with them? Yemenis themselves recognize and deeply value the few that do; however this pervasive exclusion further marginalizes local perspectives and reinforces a distorted, outsider-driven understanding of Yemen.


I have worked with local media in Yemen, international media, local and international human rights organizations, and think tanks inside and outside the country. In every situation, there were obstacles in place against Yemeni voices. Beyond the language barriers—since I am not a native English speaker, I worked twice as hard to write and publish in English—the biggest problem I faced was the perception that I was not "objective." I was often told I could not quote Arabic media reports and could only cite English-language sources because English-speaking audiences might get "confused," even though Yemen's official language, of course, is Arabic. It explains why international outlets often reinforce their own narratives by quoting predominantly Western sources, rather than incorporating Yemeni perspectives.

There is also a tendency to dismiss Yemeni local media as somehow unreliable. While it is true that every country has both credible and non-credible media outlets, it is frustrating to see Yemeni media disregarded outright. There seems to be little effort to explore local Arabic-language media or collaborate with them (perhaps owing to language barriers and the lack of Arabic skills among Western journalists and editors). This exclusion does not just distort Yemen's story, it also marginalizes the very people who understand it best.

All the while, the lives of ordinary Yemenis go largely unnoticed, as if their stories are not worthy of attention unless they fit the contours of a global narrative. Some underreported local stories include those of civil workers, who once held the machinery of the state together but now live in a constant state of destitution, having gone without full salaries for years. Their struggle seems to fade into the background of a crisis that prioritizes more dramatic headlines. Millions of internally displaced people, forced to leave their homes in search of safety, face dire conditions that most cannot imagine. But their suffering goes largely unnoticed, a forgotten chapter in a larger, more complex tale. And then there is the corruption. Aid meant to help the most vulnerable has often been diverted, leaving those in desperate need without support. Successive crackdowns on journalists, United Nations staff, activists, lawyers, businessmen and others add another layer of oppression. The bombing of dissidents' homes, a tactic used to silence those who dare to speak out, terrorizes the population. These acts of violence are hardly mentioned by international media, as the focus shifts to more familiar narratives of war and politics.

Yemen's children bear the especially brutal weight of a war they did not choose. Forced into combat, they become soldiers before they are even old enough to dream of their future. Their innocence stolen, they are sent to fight in a war that promises nothing but pain. Their stories are often buried beneath the weight of political agendas. As the war drags on, education has become a casualty. Schools have been destroyed, and those that remain struggle to provide even the most basic education. The dropout rates climb higher, as children are pulled away from their classrooms to help their families survive. The dreams of a generation vanish, but the world hardly takes notice.

Yemen's most renowned poet, the late Abdullah al-Baradouni, has often captured Yemen's dynamic spirit in his poems. As he writes in his poem "Why I Am Silent About the Lament," "I am silent, not because I lack words, but because the words will not capture what is left behind." In the face of relentless suffering, Yemenis have chosen silence over despair. Yemen's resilience endures in unspoken acts of survival and resistance. Like al-Baradouni's refusal to lament, Yemen persists: "For how can I lament when grief has become the air I breathe?" If the world is to understand Yemen, it must listen to these quiet voices of resilience, who tell the true story of their country.


* This essay was first written for and published by DAWN here. 

Yemen at Risk of Descending into Full-scale Civil War

Yemen’s 2024 unfolded as a pivotal year for regional power dynamics, with the Houthi armed group cementing its role as both a disruptive force and a significant player on the global stage. This development was heavily influenced by actions that began in late 2023. Leveraging their control of northern Yemen, the Houthis weaponized the Red Sea’s strategic shipping lanes, targeting vessels passing the Bab al-Mandab Strait since November 2023. As an expression of solidarity with Palestine in Israel’s war on Gaza, the Houthis’ actions were meant to pressure Israel and its allies to end the war, declaring all ships headed for Israeli ports fair game.

The response from Washington was swift, setting the stage for ongoing tensions in 2024. In December 2023, President Joe Biden rallied a coalition, named Operation Prosperity Guardian — composed of forces from the United States, United Kingdom, Australia, Bahrain, Canada, the Netherlands and other nations — launching military attacks on Houthi military infrastructure inside Yemen, to degrade the group’s capabilities. Yet, instead of retreating, the Houthis doubled down, launching drone strikes on Israeli cities multiple times, signaling their operational capabilities had reached unprecedented levels. Israel’s retaliatory strikes on Yemen’s Hodeidah port in July and September only deepened the cycle of escalation. U.S. and U.K. forces conducted airstrikes targeting Houthi weapons stockpiles, adding to the escalating tensions. Meanwhile, geopolitical opportunism surfaced elsewhere. In June, the United Arab Emirate’s push to lease Aden’s international port to Abu Dhabi Ports Authority sparked an outcry among Yemeni political figures and activists.

Houthis and Iran’s waning influence

By late 2024, the “Axis of Resistance” was in disarray. The assassinations of Hamas and Hezbollah leaders, along with the collapse of Assad’s regime delivered a major blow to Iran’s regional influence. For the Houthis in Yemen, Iran’s diminished capacity to support its allies highlights the fragility of their position and poses profound challenges for the group.

Iran’s declining capacity to project power and resources in Yemen could leave the Houthis vulnerable, creating potential power vacuums that might destabilize the already fragile conflict dynamics. While this shift could present an opportunity for de-escalation, particularly if Iran is forced to scale back its support, it might also encourage the Houthis to double down on militaristic posturing or seek alternative alliances, further complicating peace efforts.

In light of recent events, Houthi leaders have focused their rhetoric on external enemies which mirrors Iran’s strategy of deflection and scapegoating, revealing their precarious position. Similarly, just as the Assad regime ignored the demands of its populace, the Houthis continue to dismiss Yemenis’ grievances while focusing on external actors. This approach risks alienating the Yemeni people further and reinforcing the perception that the group prioritizes external agendas over domestic stability.

Yemen’s economic and humanitarian needs in 2025

By 2025, Yemen’s economic and humanitarian crises are projected to worsen, fueled by protracted conflict, economic fragmentation, and regional instability. Approximately 19.5 million people are projected to need aid in 2025, marking a roughly seven percent increase from 2024. Currently, over 17 million Yemenis face food insecurity, including 3.5 million suffering from severe malnutrition. In addition, nearly 18 million lack access to safe drinking water and sanitation, while preventable diseases like cholera, diphtheria, and dengue fever continue to plague the population.

The economy remains in freefall, with Gross Domestic Product shrinking further after a one percent contraction in 2024. Oil export blockades and a depreciating Yemeni Rial have crippled government finances, leaving essential services unfunded and exacerbating the humanitarian crisis. Rising inflation and disrupted supply chains, aggravated by Houthi attacks on Red Sea shipping, are pushing the nation to the brink.

Fragile prospects for peace

Despite the 2022 truce between the Houthis and Yemen’s Internationally Recognized Government (IRG) and the announcement of a Roadmap one year ago, no substantial progress has been made toward a lasting peace settlement. In fact, Yemen’s peace prospects remain precarious. Over the past three weeks, UN Special Envoy Hans Grundberg’s outlook on Yemen has taken a sharp turn—from cautious optimism to urgent alarm. Three weeks ago, he outlined a path to peace in 2025, hinging on international unity and a clear ceasefire roadmap. Now, his message, stated yesterday, is grimmer: escalating violence, a collapsing economy, and blatant human rights violations — like Houthi detentions and Red Sea insecurity — are destabilizing Yemen further. The window for diplomacy is closing fast. Grundberg warned that these developments have shrunk the space for mediation and risk derailing progress, urging immediate action to prevent Yemen from sliding further into instability.

This sense of urgency is compounded by broader regional shifts, including the decline of Iran’s influence following Assad’s fall. Previously, the Houthis defined peace as a scenario where they held absolute power, excluding Yemen’s internationally recognized government and other political factions. However, with their primary backer weakened, the Houthis may be forced to reassess their stance. Diminished external support could compel them to lower their demands, engage more seriously in negotiations, and participate in inclusive peace talks, creating a potential opening for progress — if the international community acts decisively.

However, intensified confrontation between the Houthi armed group and Israel might ignite the resumption of Yemen’s civil war 2.0. The Yemeni anti-Houthi camp has been drumming for war with the Houthis since Israel started attacking Yemen in July 2024. For example, Hameed Al-Ahmar, a prominent leader of the Islah political party, stated that recent regional and international developments must be leveraged to ‘end the abhorrent Houthi coup and restore the state.’ He emphasized that the Houthis have repeatedly demonstrated their lack of commitment to peace, having squandered Saudi Arabia’s genuine efforts to reach a peaceful settlement. Al-Ahmar also highlighted growing public outrage in Houthi-controlled areas, describing it as having reached ‘unprecedented levels,’ warning that the Houthis’ reliance on military escalation and repression will only deepen this unrest.

Al-Ahmar’s message underscores a broader sentiment among anti-Houthi factions that the time is ripe to decisively confront the group militarily, a stance that could escalate Yemen’s conflict further in 2025. However, the Houthi group does not appear to fear or care about any of this, even if subjected to heavy strikes by the U.S. and Israel and their consequences. They seem confident that the internal anti-Houthi camp remains fragmented and weak, no longer receiving the same level of military support it once did from the Saudi-led Coalition to restore Yemen’s government’s legitimacy. If the anti-Houthi camp were to receive significant military backing from its former supporters, Saudi Arabia and the UAE, or new external allies, the resumption of Yemen’s civil war would become almost inevitable. Ultimately, one of the gravest threats to Yemen’s peace prospects in 2025 is the looming possibility of a full-scale return to civil war, a scenario that would not only devastate Yemen further but also ripple across regional security and global shipping routes.

International community’s role in facilitating peace in 2025

To facilitate peace in Yemen by next year, the international community should leverage Iran’s waning influence to encourage the Houthis to reconsider their hardline stance and engage in inclusive dialogue. This requires pressuring all parties to engage productively, ensuring the meaningful participation of diverse Yemeni factions, women, youth, and civil society groups in peace talks.

Addressing Yemen’s economic fragility is crucial, including providing urgent aid to stabilize the economy, alleviate food insecurity, and rebuild infrastructure. Concurrently, efforts should focus on reconstructing state institutions to restore services and uphold the rule of law. By prioritizing humanitarian needs, empowering local peace initiatives, and fostering regional cooperation, the international community can create conditions for sustainable peace and stability in Yemen. As much as international involvement is crucial, it must be done without undermining Yemen’s sovereignty, perpetuating the perception that peace is being imposed by foreign powers rather than achieved organically by Yemenis themselves.

Final thoughts

A durable peace agreement could unlock Yemen’s recovery. Without immediate intervention, Yemen faces deepening poverty, displacement, and instability, jeopardizing its future. Yemen’s trajectory in 2024 wasn’t just about conflict—it was a case study of how power vacuums and fragmented authority invite external actors to reshape the rules of engagement. The Houthis’ actions have redefined them as a regional force capable of altering the global shipping landscape but at a profound cost to Yemen’s stability. The country’s future now hinges on whether these competing interests can find equilibrium—or if Yemen will remain a proxy battleground in a broader geopolitical contest.

*This article was first written for and published on the International Center for Dialogue Initiatives' website. 

Recalibrating US Engagement in Yemen Under a New Trump Administration

The military escalation between the United States and the Iran-backed Houthi movement in Yemen has significant implications for Yemen’s future. As the Houthis continue to consolidate control in the capital Sanaa, US involvement will play a crucial role in Yemen’s political and military trajectory. For the incoming Trump administration, the challenges posed by Yemen loom large, presenting a complex array of geopolitical risks with direct implications for US strategic interests. But the path forward should be clear: the Trump White House should not cling to Biden’s failed approach to Yemen.

The Houthi Challenge

To signal support for Palestine, less than two weeks after Israel began its assault on Gaza in October 2023, the Houthis began to attack maritime shipping in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, targeting American and international vessels supposedly linked to Israel, and launched strikes on Israel itself. Beyond the symbolic gestures of support for Palestinians, these actions placed global trade at risk, as the Red Sea—a vital lifeline for international commerce—became a dangerous battleground, and threatened to expand Israel’s war on Gaza. The Houthis’ moves were not only a political statement to the United States: they challenged its strategic interests. With the stability of maritime routes at risk, the situation in Yemen had suddenly become a far-reaching global crisis. Yemen’s future, and the future of international commerce, now seemed inextricably linked to the actions of the Houthis and the international response.

Determined to stem the growing threat, the United States responded with force. In November 2023, the US and UK militaries started military operations against key Houthi positions across Yemen, conducting numerous other such attacks since then. But despite the immense effort, the results have been far from decisive. The unyielding Houthis have continued to be a source of concern for the United States and its allies.

Indeed, US policies have failed to curb the Houthis’ power and activities in the Red Sea and internally. Instead, US efforts have contributed to the persistence of the Yemen conflict and exacerbated the suffering of the country’s civilians.

Yemen is afflicted by one of the world’s most severe humanitarian crises, which is compounded by internal political paralysis and by external interventions that have failed to address the underlying causes of the war. These causes include long-standing political grievances, particularly the historic marginalization of certain groups (such as the Houthis, historically, and people of the South). Deep socio-economic disparities have been exacerbated by high levels of unemployment, poverty, and corruption, as well as by the regional power struggle between Saudi Arabia and Iran that fueled proxy wars in Yemen. Moreover, the failure to implement the outcomes of previous peace talks, including the Gulf Cooperation Council Initiative and the United Nations-led talks, left a vacuum that only intensified the violence. The Yemeni anti-Houthi coalition, fragmented by competing Saudi and Emirati interests, has undermined the internationally recognized Yemeni government’s ability to challenge the Houthi insurgency. All this has enabled the Houthis to consolidate control, deepening the crisis.

Biden’s Policy in Yemen

The Biden administration’s Yemen policy has been marked by inconsistency: first it focused on humanitarian relief and diplomacy, then prioritized military engagement and sanctions. Initially, it shifted from the first Trump administration’s hardline policy by ending US support for the Saudi-led coalition’s offensive military actions in Yemen. The stakes were high, and President Joe Biden knew it. To guide the United States through the change, he appointed a US special envoy for Yemen, Tim Lenderking, entrusting him with working with the United Nations to end the war and improve the humanitarian situation. The Biden administration also revoked Trump’s designation of the Houthis as a “Foreign Terrorist Organization” and as a Specially Designated Global Terrorist (SDGT). Biden’s goal was clear: to reset American priorities, steering the course toward a more balanced, diplomatic approach to Yemen’s devastating conflict. Despite these efforts, the Houthis remained uncooperative, refusing to make concessions. The Houthis’ October 2023 escalation through Red Sea shipping attacks caught the Biden administration off guard and forced it to reconsider its approach. In December 2023, the United States announced the establishment of an international coalition—Operation Prosperity Guardian—to disrupt the Houthis’ maritime attacks. US and allied militaries then launched airstrikes on key Houthi military targets, aiming to cripple their ability to carry out attacks. In January 2024, the administration took another significant step and officially redesignated the Houthis as a SDGT. The Treasury Department expanded its sanctions, targeting individuals and entities connected to the Houthis’ procurement and smuggling networks.

Thus, the Biden administration shifted its approach to embracing military engagement. In October 2024, US Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III declared a new strategy of “deter and degrade.” The message was clear—the United States was now focused on dismantling the Houthis’ military capabilities. The first step was a series of targeted strikes on Houthi-controlled underground weapons facilities.

Trump’s second administration needs a strategy to address the deeper issues at play and provide a stable foundation for US interests in the Middle East. But the new administration is likely to face a challenge in balancing the need to secure freedom of navigation in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden and addressing Yemen’s humanitarian crisis and political instability. This challenge, faced by the United States in Yemen since 2011, has been complicated by the Houthis’ Red Sea attacks. But prioritizing military solutions risks worsening the humanitarian crisis and deepening regional instability. This requires a diplomatic strategy to address Houthi power while avoiding further destabilization.

Critiques of American Policy

The US militarization of the Red Sea has not only failed to limit the Houthis’ capabilities but inadvertently emboldened them. In October 2024, the UN Panel of Experts on Yemen reported that the Houthis had launched at least 134 attacks from areas under their control on commercial vessels from many countries claiming that the ships were headed toward or otherwise linked to Israel, as well as against US and UK warships. These were not minor skirmishes—some of the attacks used new, extremely sophisticated missiles, marking a stunning advancement in the Houthis’ military capabilities. The UN report also revealed that the Houthis had begun charging illegal fees to shipping agencies. Allegedly coordinated through a company linked to a senior Houthi leader, the fees allowed vessels to pass through the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden without being attacked. In this way, the Houthis turned the waterways into a lucrative enterprise, collecting an estimated $180 million a month from their illegal tolls. While the UN could not independently verify these earnings, its report offered a troubling suggestion of how the Houthis had found ways to profit from the very conflict that the United States had set out to contain.

As the US military became more committed against the Houthis in Yemen, it became apparent that the primary focus was safeguarding Israel’s security interests. But as the months passed, it became increasingly clear that this militarized approach came at a cost. Yemen’s deep-rooted political, social, and economic issues were neglected in favor of short-term military objectives. Instead of alleviating the suffering or bringing the warring factions to the negotiating table, the US military presence fueled a cycle of violence. The airstrikes and military interventions, while aimed at protecting strategic interests, seemed to disregard the humanitarian principles that the United States had previously championed. In the end, the strategy offered no clear path to peace.

Challenges for US Strategy in Yemen

The Houthis had been a growing force in Yemen for years, but in 2024, their military capabilities have reached new heights. No longer isolated, they have formed powerful new alliances. Their deepening contacts with Russia are particularly notable: Moscow has begun providing military intelligence and satellite data to the Houthis, and discussions also involved potential Russian arms transfers, including anti-ship missiles. But the Houthis did not stop with Moscow. Their alliances expanded to Iraqi armed groups such as the Islamic Resistance in Iraq and even reached groups like Al-Shabab in Somalia. These connections were not just about weapons: they were about shared interests and coordinated efforts to challenge regional powers.

Policy Directions for the Next Trump Administration

Given the constraints on US military action—due to the American public’s lack of appetite for further conflicts, the weakened state of the internationally recognized Yemeni government, and the potential for a military campaign to inadvertently strengthen the Houthis—the Trump administration should focus on diplomacy, negotiation, and political solutions as the only viable means to resolve the Red Sea crisis and stabilize Yemen.

To effectively address the challenges, the United States must adopt a strategy that transcends narrow military actions against Houthi infrastructure. The real work lies in addressing the broader causes fueling the violence. The first crucial step would be in Gaza, as a ceasefire there would reduce actions that inflame tensions.

Then, the United States should adopt a new approach in Yemen to tackle the root of Houthi power. Iran, Russia, Al-Shabab, and Iraqi militias were all playing a role in bolstering the Houthi insurgency. The Trump administration should apply diplomatic and economic pressure on these external actors to halt their military and financial support for the Houthis. But that will not be enough. The United States must recognize the urgency of cutting off the Houthis’ weapons supply lines that rely on smuggling. It should focus on key smuggling routes in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, where weapons are slipping through the cracks. Both maritime and land-based interdictions should be stepped up, making it harder for the Houthis to continue receiving military resources.

Addressing Yemen’s internal divisions is equally crucial. The United States must focus on an integrated approach that balances counter-Houthi measures with efforts to assist Yemen to rebuild its governance and reconcile its rival factions. This is necessary to avoid exacerbating the country’s fragmentation. Otherwise, Yemen risks becoming permanently entrenched as a proxy battleground, caught between external powers, with no hope of internal resolution. The United States should support Yemen’s political and economic stabilization, which in turn can ensure the foundation for Yemen’s recovery while promoting regional security.

For the incoming Trump administration, the lessons from the past are clear. The United States should no longer rely on piecemeal strategies that only treat the symptoms of Yemen’s crisis. To truly shift the trajectory in Yemen, the United States needs to address the deeper forces behind the conflict.

The key to success is collaboration. The United States should work alongside international and regional partners to develop a unified framework for peace—a framework that is inclusive and responsive to the needs of all Yemeni factions. This means ensuring that the internationally recognized government of Yemen is not a figurehead, but a functioning, capable authority with a mandate to lead. The United States should also press key regional actors, particularly Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, to align their efforts in Yemen. Their rivalry has long been a major obstacle to any meaningful unity in Yemen. Only by putting aside their differences and coordinating their efforts can they help stabilize the country. With American diplomatic leverage, these actors could form a cooperative framework that tackles Yemen’s political, economic, and security challenges.

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This policy analysis paper was first written for and published on the Arab Center DC's website.